練習(xí)

I．Cloze

　　Even ___1___ analysts disagree about the causal forces that ___2___ globalization, most agree that globalization should be conceived as a relatively long-term process. The triad ___3___ deterritorialization, interconnectedness, and social acceleration hardly ___4___ a sudden or recent event in contemporary social life. Globalization is a ___5___ feature of the modern world, and modern history includes many examples of globalization. As we saw above, nineteenth-century thinkers __6__ at least some of its core features; the compression of territoriality composed an important element of their __7__ experience. Nonetheless, some contemporary theorists believe that globalization has taken a particularly intense ___8___ in recent decades, as innovations in communication, transportation, and information technologies (for ___9___, computerization) have generated stunning new ___10___ for simultaneity and instantaneousness. In this view, present-day intellectual interest in the problem of globalization can be___11___ directly to the emergence of new high-speed technologies that tend to minimize the significance __12__ distance and heighten possibilities for deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. Although the intense sense of territorial compression experienced by so many of our contemporaries is surely reminiscent of the experiences of ___13___ generations, some contemporary writers nonetheless argue that it would be mistaken to obscure the countless ways in which ongoing transformations of the ___14___ and temporal contours of human experience are especially far-reaching. While our nineteenth-century predecessors understandably  marveled __15__ the railroad or the telegraph, a comparatively vast array of social activities is now being __16__ by innovations that ___17___ social activity and considerably deepen longstanding ___18___ towards deterritorialization and social interconnectedness. To be sure, the impact of deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and social acceleration are by no means universal or uniform: migrant workers engaging in traditional forms of low-wage agricultural labor in the fields of southern California, for example, probably operate in a different spatial and temporal context than the Internet entrepreneurs of San Francisco or Seattle. Distinct assumptions about space and ___19___ often coexist uneasily during a specific historical juncture. Nonetheless, the impact of recent technological innovations is profound, and even those who do not have a job directly __20__ by the new technology are shaped by it in innumerable ways as citizens and consumers.

1.[A] although　　[B] the　　[C] though　　[D] those

2. [A] produce　　[B] generate　　[C] bring　　[D] create

3.[A] in　　[B] of　　[C] at　　[D] on

4.[A] represented　　[B] represent　　[C] representing　　[D] represents

5.[A] constant　　[B] constitutive　　[C] constituent　　[D] constitutional

6.[A] gained　　[B] arrested　　[C] captured　　[D] seized

7.[A] living　　[B] alive　　[C] lively　　[D] lived

8.[A] place　　[B] form　　[C] style　　[D] way

9.[A] example　　[B] good　　[C] ever　　[D] once

10.[A] probability　　[B] possibilities　　[C] certainty　　[D] certainties

11.[A] linked　　[B] fastened　　[C] associated　　[D] connected

12.[A] at　　[B] of　　[C] with　　[D] in

13.[A] early　　[B] late　　[C] later　　[D] earlier

14.[A] spacious　　[B] special　　[C] specific　　[D] spatial

15.[A] in　　[B] with　　[C] at　　[D] for

16.[A] transformed　　[B] transferred　　[C] translated　　[D] transported

17.[A] accelerate　　[B] hasten　　[C] hurry　　[D] decelerate

18.[A] tendencies　　[B] trends　　[C] currents　　[D] inclinations

19.[A] times　　[B] timing　　[C] timely　　[D] time

20.[A] affection　　[B] affected　　[C] affectionate　　[D] affect

II. Reading Passages

Part A 閱讀理解

Passage One

　　Globalization has transformed Bangalore into the fastest growing city in India after New Delhi. Between 1991 and 2001, the city's population experienced 38% growth. In 2005, Bangalore's population was estimated at just over six million people and is one of India's major economic hubs.

　　In the mid 1990s, Bangalore became host to dozens of multinational Information Technology (IT), which have been lured by the city's highly educated and relatively cheap labor force. Nearly 1,500 IT companies have set up business in Bangalore in the last two decades churning out 38% of India's $22 billion IT and software exports. This has given Bangalore status as India's high-tech capital, often nicknamed the Silicon Valley of India after Silicon Valley, California where the software boom of the 1990s began.

　　A significant portion of these multinational IT companies are business process outsourcing companies (BPOs) or call centers and have set up their operations in Bangalore to take advantage of its large body of English speaking university graduates. Bangalore has a literacy rate of about 86% and is home to about 25,000 of India's 220,000 computer engineers. The city also has top science and technology institutes such as the Indian Institute of Information Technology and the Indian Institute of Science, ranked one of the top 20 universities in the world.

　　A large portion of these engineers are young graduates in their 20s and 30s, just beginning their careers. The salaries they can earn by working at a call center often enable them to become financially independent. Twenty years ago before the software boom arrived in Bangalore, it was not easy for young people to earn such high wages. Traditionally and in part for financial reasons, Indian children were expected to live at home until marriage. Today, however, the situation is changing in places like Bangalore where young adults are offered new opportunities to earn a living from IT companies, which were not available to their parents a generation ago. Even though entry-level workers in the IT sector earn about $6,000 a year, this is still significantly more than their parents could have ever earned at that age.

　　Affluent, young Bangaloreans are taking advantage of their newfound wealth by moving away from their families to live on their own. Women especially are putting off starting a family to focus on their careers. Nearly half of new recruits for many IT companies are women. This has also meant a rise in the number of love marriages as opposed to marriages arranged by families and less emphasis on staying a virgin before marriage. According to India Today magazine, 25% of women ages 18 to 30 in Bangalore have sex before they are married. These trends began slowly in the 1970s and 1980s and accelerated with India's rise in wealth attributed to the software boom in the 1990s. This frequently results in a clash between older and younger generations. Parents feel they have less ability to influence their children's decisions while their children feel their parents' traditional expectations are unreasonable.

　　Western companies-keenly aware of the growth in wealth and change in lifestyle among Bangalor's noveau riche-have designed clever marketing campaigns to woo customers. The infiltration of western luxury goods has created a cultural shift toward materialism and consumerism. Realizing that more young people are living on their own, companies present their goods as outlets of individual expression. American and European brands market clothes, accessories, cars, perfume and even furniture as status symbols to show off one's own personal style. Magazine covers, television and cinema feature beautiful Indian movie stars sporting the latest Yves St. Laurent fashion or Coach handbag. Enjoying one's financial independence has come to mean spending loads of money on western products. Bangalore's increasing number of shopping centers and malls are comparable to any in the United States or Europe and capable of catering to the increasing demands of Bangalore's shoppers.  

1.Many multinational Information Technology have been attracted to Bangalore by ______.
[A]the city's abundant labor force
[B]the citizen's high education level
[C]the city's beautiful environments
[D]both A and B

2.Why in the past the Indian children were expected to live at home until marriage?
[A]Due to the traditional ideas and the immaturity of the children.
[B]Due to the financial situations and the immaturity of the children.
[C]Due to the traditional ideas and financial situations.
[D]Due to the immaturity of the children and the traditional ideas.

3.The phrase "entry-level workers" in paragraph four means ____.
[A]workers who join the company for a short time
[B]workers who belong to lower class
[C]workers who can only do simple work
[D]workers who are younger than others

4.Which one of the following is not belong to the characteristics of the Indian women in the past?
[A]They focused on the family.
[B]They all got a family-arranged marriage without any love.
[C]They usually stayed a virgin before marriage.
[D]Most of them got married early.

5.According to the passage, which statement is wrong?
[A]In the 1990s there emerged a software boom in India.
[B]It has become a trend since the 1960s for Bangalorian women ages 18 to 30 to have sex before marriage.
[C]The economic development has caused some unhappiness between different generations in this city.
[D]The Indian Institute of Information Technology belong to top science and technology institutes.

Passage Two

　　Despite the hype in the international media about India's global integration, economic reform there has been halting and hesitant. Many cheerleaders of reform among corporate tycoons and financial columnists are unaware how unpopular reform is, rightly or wrongly, among the general public in India. In the National Election Survey 2004 more than two thirds of about 23,000 sample respondents who had any opinion on the subject say that the reforms benefit only the rich or none at all. Politicians are, of course, too savvy not to notice this. Even the ruling parties over the last decade that supported reforms played them down during election time. Any party that initiates some reforms is quick to oppose them once out of power.

　　This duplicity is currently on display within the left: In the states where they hold power, they are often driven by the inexorable logic of fiscal near-bankruptcy and competition for investment to be pro-reform; but in Delhi their leaders regularly indulge in ideological grandstanding. Opposition is not confined to the left. The recent reversal of a cabinet decision toward some privatization was under pressure from a non-left regional party. Trade unions of the right as well as left parties are opposed to privatization and labor reform. The Gandhians are vocal against the lifting of the policy of reservation, which currently limits more than 500 products-from bicycle parts to electronic equipment-exclusively for the small-scale industries. In the National Election Survey, respondents were asked about reduction in the size of government employees; among the poor, low-caste and indigenous respondents who had an opinion, the majority was opposed to such reduction. The newly emergent, hitherto subordinate, social groups, often represented by primarily caste-based or regional parties, as they capture state power and reserved jobs, are not keen to give up the loaves and fishes of office or reduce the role of the public sector.

　　Of course, politicians have also done a poor job of explaining reforms to the common people. If it was clear that electricity reform, which may involve a higher price, but implies a higher capacity for the public utility to provide less erratic power supply, or that deregulation means loosening the grip of corrupt inspectors over small enterprises, some opposition could decline.

　　What financial columnists call anti-reform populism is actually a product of the manifold inequalities and conflicts of Indian society. Data on inequality of household wealth distribution and that between the educated and uneducated classes suggest, along with the prevailing caste and other social inequalities, that India is one of the most unequal countries in the world. Severe educational inequality, worse in India than in Brazil, for example, makes it harder for many to absorb shocks in the industrial labor market, since education and training could provide some means of flexibility in adapting to market changes.

　　China, for example, was able to weather the disruptions and hardships of restructuring under a more intense process of global integration during the 1980s and 1990s due to its minimum rural safety net. This security was largely made possible by an egalitarian distribution of land-cultivation rights that followed the de-collectivization of 1978. In most parts of India, the poor have no similar rural safety net. So the resistance to the competitive process that market reform entails is that much stiffer in India.

　　In general, because of social heterogeneity and economic inequality, the social and political environment in India is conflict-ridden, and it is difficult in this environment to build consensus and organize collective action toward long-term reform and cooperative problem-solving efforts. When groups don't trust one another in the sharing of costs and benefits of long-run reform, there is the inevitable tendency to go for the "bird-in-hand" short-run subsidies and government handouts, which pile up as an enormous fiscal burden. Few politicians dare oppose the continuing serious under-pricing of water and electricity, the over-manning of the public payroll, and a longstanding refusal to tax the wealthiest farmers.

1.Why has economic reform in India been halting and hesitant?
[A]The reforms are not helpful for the Indian society.
[B]Most Indian people do not want any reform.
[C]The leaders are hesitant to carry out the reform.
[D]both A and B

2.Judging from the first sentence of Paragraph Two, the author's attitude towards the left leaders is ______.
[A]approving
[B]neutral
[C]critical
[D]affirmative

3.The word "weather" in the first sentence of paragraph five means ____.
[A] the state of the atmosphere at a given time and place
[B] to expose to the action of something
[C] changes of fortune
[D] to come through something safely

4.According to the passage, what may not be the cause of Indian people's opposition to the reforms?
[A]The reforms only benefit the rich.
[B]It is partly because of social heterogeneity and economic inequality.
[C]Politicians do not explain the reforms clearly to the common people.
[D]There is no rural safety net in most part of India.

5.Why few politicians dare oppose the existing problems in India?
[A]Because they have no authority to oppose.
[B]Because the Indian people are hard to administrate.
[C]Because the social and political environment of this country is an obstacle against any reform.
[D]Because there are too many "bird-in-hand" short-run subsides.

練習(xí)答案與題解

I．Cloze

1.[C]

結(jié)合下文判斷，首句是轉(zhuǎn)折復(fù)合句，even though是固定搭配，相當(dāng)于although，表示"即使，即便，縱然"。

2.[B]

produce表示"生產(chǎn)、大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)"；generate表示"產(chǎn)生；形成，造成"；bring一般表示具體的動(dòng)作"拿來(lái)，帶來(lái)"，如果表示抽象意義上的"引發(fā)，導(dǎo)致"等意，一般要和副詞搭配連用，比如bring about或bring on；create表示"創(chuàng)造，建立"。此處意為有許多因素形成了全球化，故選B。

3.[B]

triad一詞可以表示"三人組合；三件一套（或組）"，雖然triad一詞的形態(tài)有變化，但它后面的介詞比較固定，都是of：a triad of或是the triad of，有時(shí)也可用復(fù)數(shù)，比如：three triads of...表示"三個(gè)三人組合，三個(gè)三件套"。

4.[D]

此項(xiàng)選擇需要在上道題的基礎(chǔ)上完成，要求掌握該句謂語(yǔ)動(dòng)詞represent的時(shí)態(tài)及主語(yǔ)的單復(fù)數(shù)。因?yàn)槭且话阈灾�識(shí)的介紹，所以用一般現(xiàn)在時(shí)，可以先排除[A]和[C]兩項(xiàng)；由于本句triad一詞前面的使用了定冠詞the，因此of連接的三項(xiàng)內(nèi)容都是the triad的同位語(yǔ)，所以主語(yǔ)是the triad，動(dòng)詞用單數(shù)；而如本句使用了不定冠詞a，則a triad of相當(dāng)于一個(gè)形容詞，主語(yǔ)使用復(fù)數(shù)形式。

5.[B]

此題考查形態(tài)相似但意思不同的形容詞的用法。constant表示"不變的，恒定的"； constitutive表示"本質(zhì)的，基本的"；constituent表示"組成的；有權(quán)力制定或修改憲法的"；constitutional表示"體質(zhì)的；憲法的"。根據(jù)該句意思及上下文判斷，應(yīng)該選[B]。

6.[C]

本題考查意思相近的動(dòng)詞的用法。gain表示"經(jīng)過(guò)努力獲得、取得"；arrest指"逮捕"；capture除了表示"捕獲，俘獲"之外，還可表示"捕捉到，被吸引"；seize表示"攫取，抓住"。此處說(shuō)19世紀(jì)的思想家注意到了全球化的至少三個(gè)特點(diǎn)，所以選[C].

7.[D]

living指現(xiàn)存的，尚活著的；alive指有生命這一狀態(tài)，多用作補(bǔ)語(yǔ)或后置定語(yǔ)；lively表示"活潑的，活躍的"；lived為動(dòng)詞live的過(guò)去分詞形式，意為"已經(jīng)經(jīng)歷的"，此處用來(lái)修飾experience，表示"過(guò)去的經(jīng)歷"，所以選[D]。

8.[B]

此句說(shuō)全球化在比較近幾十年以特別密集的形式出現(xiàn)，take...form意為"采取......的形式"，所以選[B]。

9.[A]

四個(gè)選項(xiàng)中的詞都可以和介詞for搭配使用，但此處括號(hào)內(nèi)的內(nèi)容表示補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明，應(yīng)該是舉例，所以選[A]。

10.[B]

probability表示"概率、幾率"；possibility單數(shù)形式意為"可能，可能性"，但其復(fù)數(shù)形式則表示"潛在價(jià)值"；certainty表示"確定性，必然的事"。根據(jù)句意，應(yīng)該選[B]。

11.[A]

選項(xiàng)中的四個(gè)動(dòng)詞都表示"與......相聯(lián)系"。link和fasten常和to連用，但fasten表示具體的動(dòng)作，尤其指用繩子等物進(jìn)行固定的"綁，系"等動(dòng)作；associate和connect則經(jīng)常和with搭配使用。所以選[A]。

12.[B]

根據(jù)上下文可知，新興的高速科技已經(jīng)極大地降低了空間距離的重要性，所以選[B]，連接distance一詞作significance的定語(yǔ)。

13.[D]

此句中的"contemporaries（當(dāng)代人）"和"reminiscent（回憶）"等字樣足以提示后面所指的應(yīng)該是過(guò)去的或早期的經(jīng)歷。雖然都可以表示"早期的"，但是early和earlier有些微妙的區(qū)別：前者泛指"早期的"，而后者表示"與......相比是更早些的"，此處應(yīng)該選[D]。

14.[D]

spacious意為"廣大的，寬闊的"；special意為"特別的，專用的"；specific意為"明確的，特效的"；spatial意為"空間的"。結(jié)合本句句意和緊隨其后的temporal一詞判斷，此處應(yīng)該指"空間的"，而不是"寬敞的"。因此選[D]。

15.[C]

本題考查通特定動(dòng)詞搭配的介詞的用法，to be marveled at...是固定用法，表示"驚異于......"，因此選[C]。類似的還有如to be surprised at, to be shocked at等。

16.[A]

本題四個(gè)選項(xiàng)的動(dòng)詞都有前綴trans-，表示"橫過(guò)，貫穿"。transform意為"轉(zhuǎn)變，改變"；transfer意為"遷移，移動(dòng)"；translate意為"翻譯，解釋"；transport意為"運(yùn)輸"。句意說(shuō)新發(fā)明改變了社會(huì)活動(dòng)，所以選[A]。

17.[A]

從上題可知社會(huì)活動(dòng)發(fā)生了變化。根據(jù)上下文，可知是新發(fā)明加速了社會(huì)生活的步伐，先排除[D]；accelerate 強(qiáng)調(diào)運(yùn)動(dòng)速度或事情進(jìn)展的加快； hasten 指由于事情的急迫性快速或過(guò)快地取得某種結(jié)果；hurry指匆忙做某事，有混亂、妨礙精神集中的意味。因此，應(yīng)該選[A]。

18.[B]

四個(gè)選項(xiàng)都可指一種行為或思想方向或過(guò)程。tendency暗含著以某一特定方式進(jìn)行的傾向；trend經(jīng)常指普遍的或流行的方向，尤指在某一特定領(lǐng)域的；current指思想觀點(diǎn)等的路線或流動(dòng)，尤指特定時(shí)間或地點(diǎn)的典型代表；inclination通常指?jìng)�(gè)人愛(ài)好或喜歡此物甚于彼物的傾向。綜上所述，應(yīng)該選[B]。

19.[D]

前文出現(xiàn)過(guò)了的spatial and temporal的字樣，空間和時(shí)間總是緊密相連的，可以判斷[D]為正確答案。

20.[B]

此處的directly affected by the new technology修飾的是those。因?yàn)閠hose一詞是affect的施動(dòng)對(duì)象，因此此處應(yīng)該選用過(guò)去分詞，表示被動(dòng)關(guān)系。

II. Reading Passages

Par A 閱讀理解

Passage One

1.[D]

第二段的第一句話說(shuō)，"In the mid 1990s, Bangalore became host to dozens of multinational Information Technology (IT), which have been lured by the city's highly educated and relatively cheap labor force."從這句話我們可以看出，這些IT行業(yè)是被該城市市民的高的教育層次和相對(duì)廉價(jià)的勞動(dòng)力吸引了。

2.[C]

文章的第四段說(shuō)到，"Traditionally and in part for financial reasons, Indian children were expected to live at home until marriage."這句話中traditionally，就是指一些傳統(tǒng)觀念。

3.[A]

這題是詞匯題，我們只能根據(jù)entry一詞來(lái)決定選項(xiàng)，該詞表示a situation in which someone starts to take part in a system, a particular kind of work etc, or joins a group of people，從該詞的解釋我們可以判斷，entry-level workers是指那些剛剛參加工作的、剛剛加入一家公司的工人，因此應(yīng)該選[A]。

4.[B]

文章第五段盡管講的是現(xiàn)在印度女性的一些情況，但是從這些描述中我們依然可以窺見(jiàn)過(guò)去女性的一些典型情況。第五段講現(xiàn)在的女性推遲結(jié)婚、更關(guān)注的是事業(yè)、反對(duì)家庭安排的婚姻、并且越來(lái)越多人結(jié)婚時(shí)已不再是處女，從這些描述，我們可以推斷出以前的女性更關(guān)注的是家庭、結(jié)婚早、結(jié)婚時(shí)多數(shù)還是處女、婚姻通常由家庭安排，但婚姻由家庭安排并不意味著婚姻中沒(méi)有愛(ài)。所以選[B]。

5.[B]

由第二段的比較后一句話可知[A]項(xiàng)正確；由第五段的"This frequently results in a clash between older and younger generations." 可知， [C]項(xiàng)正確；第三段的比較后一句話說(shuō)"The city also has top science and technology institutes such as the Indian Institute of Information Technology and the Indian Institute of Science, ranked one of the top 20 universities in the world. " 因此， [D]正確；由第五段"These trends began slowly in the 1970s and 1980s..."可知選項(xiàng)[B]錯(cuò)誤，因此選擇[B]項(xiàng)。

[疑難長(zhǎng)句翻譯與注解]

1.In the mid 1990s, Bangalore became host ... educated and relatively cheap labor force.

[譯文] 20世紀(jì)90年代中期，班加羅爾因其城市教育層次高、勞動(dòng)力價(jià)格相對(duì)廉價(jià)而迎來(lái)了許多的跨國(guó)信息技術(shù)公司。

[注解]in the mid 1990s要翻譯成20世紀(jì)90年代中期， 另外翻譯時(shí)要盡量用主動(dòng)語(yǔ)態(tài)來(lái)翻譯這個(gè)句子，這樣更符合中文行文習(xí)慣。

2.A significant portion of these multinational IT companies ... university graduates.

[譯文] 這些跨國(guó)信息技術(shù)公司中相當(dāng)一部分屬于商業(yè)環(huán)節(jié)中的外部采辦公司(簡(jiǎn)稱BPOs)或叫購(gòu)買中心，他們?cè)诎嗉恿_爾設(shè)立工作基地是為了利用該城市大量的講英語(yǔ)的大學(xué)畢業(yè)生。

[注解] a significant portion of...表示"相當(dāng)數(shù)量的......"；call centers是指"購(gòu)買中心"；take advantage of表示"利用"。句末的不定式是表示目的。

3.Today, however, the situation is changing in places ... to their parents a generation ago.

[譯文]但現(xiàn)在，班加羅爾等地的形勢(shì)正在改變。在這些地方，IT公司為年輕人提供了賺錢過(guò)活的新機(jī)遇，而這些機(jī)遇是他們父母那一代人不曾遇到過(guò)的。

[注解]這句話比較復(fù)雜， where引導(dǎo)的是一個(gè)限制性定語(yǔ)從句，先行詞是 places，而 which引導(dǎo)的是一個(gè)非限制性定語(yǔ)從句，先行詞是 new opportunities，由于這兩個(gè)從句和先行詞距離較遠(yuǎn)，因此，理解有難度，在翻譯時(shí)也要注意明晰一些關(guān)鍵成分。

4.Western companies-keenly aware of the growth...designed clever marketing campaigns to woo customers.

[譯文]西方的公司敏銳地察覺(jué)到班加羅爾的新富們對(duì)更加渴望得到財(cái)富，也更加渴望改變生活方式，因此，他們?cè)O(shè)計(jì)出了精明的行銷活動(dòng)來(lái)招徠顧客。

[注解] noveau riche是一個(gè)法語(yǔ)詞，表示new rich people，這里尤其指找到了好工作的年輕人。兩哥破折號(hào)之間的部分作為插入語(yǔ)，對(duì)western companies的現(xiàn)狀進(jìn)行了補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明。

5.Bangalore's increasing number of shopping centers... demands of Bangalore's shoppers. 

[譯文] 班加羅爾的購(gòu)物中心越來(lái)越多，它們和美國(guó)或歐洲的購(gòu)物中心數(shù)目相當(dāng)，而且也能夠迎合班加羅爾購(gòu)物需求的增長(zhǎng)。

[注解] be comparable to是指相似或相當(dāng)，cater to表示供應(yīng)伙食或迎合。在翻譯時(shí)，為了能譯出兩個(gè)increasing的含意，我們得對(duì)句子進(jìn)行切分，具體做法如參考譯文所示。

Passage Two

1.[B]

第一段說(shuō)，"Many cheerleaders of reform among corporate tycoons and financial columnists are unaware how unpopular reform is, rightly or wrongly, among the general public in India."從這句話我們可以看出，不管改革是正確的還是錯(cuò)的，在印度的大眾心目中都是不受歡迎的。因此選[B]。

2.[C]

這一題主要考查考生的理解能力。文章的第二段的一開(kāi)頭就展現(xiàn)了左派領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的兩面作風(fēng)，由于受到投資競(jìng)爭(zhēng)和破產(chǎn)的威脅，他們贊成改革，但是同時(shí)又貪戀意識(shí)形態(tài)的正面舞臺(tái)，也就是說(shuō)又想迎合公眾的心理，很明顯，作者對(duì)這種做法持嘲諷批判態(tài)度。

3.[D]

這題是詞匯題，是要考查考生的理解和分析能力，首先這里的weather用作動(dòng)詞，因此可以排除掉[A]和[C]；另外，從上下文可以判斷這里顯然是在稱贊中國(guó)改革的成功，因此只能選[D]

4.[A]

文章第一段說(shuō)到"...respondents who had any opinion on the subject say that the reforms benefit only the rich or none at all."可見(jiàn)這只是回答者自己的觀點(diǎn)，事實(shí)情況也許并不是這樣，而且從長(zhǎng)期來(lái)看，有些改革是全民都會(huì)受益的，所以[A]的表述不夠正確和全面；根據(jù)文章第三段的"Of course, politicians have also done a poor job of explaining reforms to the common people."可以判斷[C]的表述是符合事實(shí)的；根據(jù)文章第五段的"In most parts of India, the poor have no similar rural safety net."可知[D] 的表述也是符合事實(shí)的；而從第四段的第一句話"What financial columnists call anti-reform populism is actually a product of the manifold inequalities and conflicts of Indian society." 可知[B] 的表述也是原因之一。因此只有[A]項(xiàng)說(shuō)的不屬于印度人反對(duì)改革的原因，因此選[A]。

5.[C]

從比較后一段的表述，我們可以得知，印度的政治家不敢反對(duì)社會(huì)中存在的一些不合理的東西的根本原因不在于政治家們個(gè)人的能力、或是百姓的不合作，根本原因還是社會(huì)環(huán)境和政治環(huán)境不利于改革的推行。

[疑難長(zhǎng)句翻譯與注解]

1.Even the ruling parties over the last decade that supported reforms ... during election time.

[譯文] 就連過(guò)去十年支持改革的執(zhí)政黨在選舉時(shí)也不得不貶低那些改革。

[注解]這句話中的even是個(gè)副詞，表示"甚至，連......"，用于加強(qiáng)語(yǔ)氣。這里表現(xiàn)了那個(gè)執(zhí)政黨的無(wú)奈。that引導(dǎo)的是個(gè)定語(yǔ)從句，先行詞是the ruling parties；play down表示"降低，貶低，減少"，這里是指通過(guò)貶低改革來(lái)拉取選票。

2.This duplicity is currently on display within the left:...in ideological grandstanding.

[譯文] 目前，左派內(nèi)部淋漓盡致地展現(xiàn)了這種兩面作風(fēng)：在他們掌權(quán)的那些州，因?yàn)槌３Ｊ艿綗o(wú)情的財(cái)政瀕臨破產(chǎn)和投資競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的趨勢(shì)，他們贊成改革；但是在德里，他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)定期地沉迷于意識(shí)形態(tài)的正面舞臺(tái)。

[注解]這句話比較長(zhǎng)，因此在翻譯時(shí)，要注意句子層次的把握。to be pro-reform是用不定式表示結(jié)果，所以在翻譯的時(shí)候，可以用關(guān)聯(lián)詞"因?yàn)?.....，所以......"。indulge in表示"沉迷于"。

3.Data on inequality of household wealth distribution ...most unequal countries in the world.

[譯文]有數(shù)據(jù)顯示家庭財(cái)產(chǎn)分配不均，受教育和沒(méi)有受過(guò)教育的階層之間存在著不均，這些數(shù)據(jù)還暗示出，隨著世襲等級(jí)和其他社會(huì)不均的盛行，印度已經(jīng)加入了世界上比較不平均國(guó)家的行列。

[注解]這句話比較復(fù)雜，第一個(gè)that指代前面的inequality；第二個(gè)that引導(dǎo)的是個(gè)賓語(yǔ)從句，做suggest的賓語(yǔ)。另外data帶了一個(gè)很長(zhǎng)的后置定語(yǔ)，翻譯的時(shí)候必須進(jìn)行調(diào)整。

4.China, for example, was able to weather the disruptions...rural safety net.

[譯文]比如，中國(guó)由于有比較小化的農(nóng)村安全網(wǎng)，因此，在20世紀(jì)80年代和90年代發(fā)生的一場(chǎng)更加激烈的全球同化過(guò)程中，能夠經(jīng)受住整改中的分裂和艱難。

[注解] 這句話的狀語(yǔ)部分比較復(fù)雜。under a more intense process of global integration during the 1980s and 1990s是時(shí)間狀語(yǔ)，due to its minimum rural safety net是原因狀語(yǔ)。在翻譯時(shí)，根據(jù)中文行文習(xí)慣，一般將原因狀語(yǔ)放在前面。

5.So the resistance to the competitive process that market reform entails is that ... in India.

[譯文]因此，印度人才會(huì)如此強(qiáng)烈地抵制市場(chǎng)改革隨之帶來(lái)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)過(guò)程。